List of Figures
Figure 1.1a Organization of North American English vowels in initial position
Figure 1.1b ANAE vowel categories identified with the word classes of Wells (1982)
Figure 1.2 Structure of West Germanic phonological space
Figure 1.3 Insertion of North American English vowel subsystems into West Germanic phonological space
Figure 1.4 The Northern Cities Shift
Figure 1.5 The Southern Shift
Figure 1.6 The Canadian Shift
Figure 1.7 The Pittsburgh Shift
Figure 1.8 The Back Shift Before /r/
Figure 1.9 The Back Upglide Shift
Figure 2.1 Standard form used by the CDC for recording natural misunderstandings
Figure 2.2 Numbers of observations of natural misunderstandings over time
Figure 2.3 Effect of linguistic factors on misunderstanding: Percent inhibiting, neutral to or promoting misunderstanding for five factors
Figure 2.4 Percent distribution of focus of misunderstanding for dialect-motivated errors and others
Figure 3.1 Vowel nuclei of the stimuli in the Peterson–Barney replication for kid, ked, cad, cod, cud, cawed
Figure 3.2 Overall correct responses to Peterson–Barney replication
Figure 3.3 Vowel nuclei of the stimuli in the Peterson–Barney replication for front upgliding vowels in keyed, cade and kide
Figure 4.1 Overall pattern of responses to Gating Experiments
Figure 4.2 Number of response types for all Chicago listeners to Chicago speech
Figure 4.3 Location of vowels of Chicago Gating words in F1/F2 space
Figure 4.4 Gating responses to Chicago raised and broken /æ/ in that
Figure 4.5 Responses to phrase context “scared of that” from high school listeners in Chicago and Philadelphia
Figure 4.6 Gating responses for Chicago fronted /o/ in block
Figure 4.7 Gating responses for Chicago fronted /o/ in socks
Figure 4.8 Percent responses with correct identification of the vowel in the word context by city and school
Figure 4.9 Percent responses with correct identification of the word in the sentence context by city and school
Figure 4.10 Location of vowels of Birmingham Gating words in F1/F2 space
Figure 4.11 Percent correct identification of vowel in the word context of the Gating Experiment by context, city and school for the first three stages of the Southern Shift in Birmingham
Figure 4.12 Percent correct identification in the word context of the Gating Experiment by city and school for the breaking of short front vowels in Birmingham speech
Figure 4.13 Percent correct identification in the word context of the Gating Experiment by city and school for the fronting of /uw/ in Birmingham speech
Figure 4.14 Distribution of /i/ and /iy/ tokens in the vowel system of Belle M., 67 [1995], Birmingham AL, TS 340
Figure 4.15 Percent correct identification of five Philadelphia sound changes in the word context by city and school
Figure 4.16 Percent correct identification of five Philadelphia sound changes in the sentence context by city and school
Figure 4.17 Stressed vowels in Gating Experiment sentences spoken by female Philadelphian
Figure 4.18 a and b Gating Experiment responses to band and bad in the word context
Figure 4.19 Trajectories of bad and band in the Philadelphia CDC stimuli
Figure 5.1 A bend in the chain of causality
Figure 5.2 Generalizable and sequential chain shifts within and across subsystems
Figure 5.3 The Canadian Shift
Figure 5.4 Mean values of vowels in the Canadian Shift for the Canada region and all other dialects combined
Figure 5.5 Nesting of Canadian Shift within the Low Back Merger isogloss
Figure 5.6 The Pittsburgh Shift
Figure 5.7 The Pittsburgh Shift in the system of Kenneth K., 35 [1996], TS 545
Figure 5.8 Mean positions of low vowels for twenty ANAE dialects
Figure 5.9 Historical development of the long open o word class
Figure 5.10 Fronting of /uw/ after coronal consonants
Figure 5.11 Retention of the /iw/ ~ /uw/ contrast in North American English
Figure 5.12 High back upgliding vowels of a conservative speaker from Providence, Rhode Island: Alex S., 42 [1996], TS 474
Figure 5.13 Three fronting patterns of the high back upgliding vowels: Figure 5.13a Differentiation of /uw/ after coronals (Tuw) and noncoronals (Kuw): Brent M., 25 [1997], Edmonton, Alberta, TS 654; Figure 5.13b Consolidation of /iw/ and /uw/ in front position: Fay M., 34 [1995], Lexington, KY, TS 283; Figure 5.13c Maintenance of /iw/ ~ /uw/ distinction: Matthew D., 45 [1996], Charlotte, NC, TS 483
Figure 5.14 Development of /uw/
Figure 5.15 The Northern Cities Shift
Figure 5.16 Natural break map for mean F1 of /æ/ (four ranges) showing range of 445 to 684 Hz (vowels before nasal consonants not included)
Figure 5.17 Cities on the Erie Canal
Figure 5.18 Growth of population in Western New York State, 1800–1950
Figure 5.19 Extension of the Northern Cities Shift to the Great Lakes region of the Inland North by the UD criterion
Figure 6.1 Vowels before /r/
Figure 6.2 Back vowels before /r/ for Judy H., 57 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 109
Figure 6.3 Back vowels before /r/ for Joyce H., 53 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 167
Figure 6.4 Back vowels before /r/ for Martin H., 48 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 111
Figure 6.5 Back vowels before /r/ for Rose M., 38 [1994], St Louis, MO, TS 161
Figure 6.6 /ihr/ and /ehr/ vowels of William McTeer, Beaufort, SC [1965]
Figure 6.7 Reversal of the /ihr/ ~ /ehr/ merger as shown by two minimal pairs in Charleston, SC
Figure 6.8 Beer–bear tokens of Kathy A., 42, Charleston, SC
Figure 6.9 Expansion of merger of pin and pen beyond the South
Figure 6.10 Mean values for minimal pair responses to the /in/ ~ /en/ contrast by region for production and perception
Figure 6.11 Mean values for minimal pair responses to the /o/ ~ /oh/ contrast by region for production and perception
Figure 6.12 Comparison of low back merger in the 1950s (PEAS); 1960s (OH68 survey); and 1990s (ANAE)
Figure 6.13 Boundary of low back merger in Southeastern New England
Figure 6.14 Development of the low back merger across generations in Seekonk
Figure 6.15 Mean differences of second formants of /e/ and /Λ/ by age for 63 Telsur speakers in the Inland North
Figure 6.16 a Model of a drag chain showing the result of a shift away of a neighboring phoneme, which leaves a hole in the pattern
Figure 6.16 b Model of a push chain showing the result of a shift towards a neighboring phoneme, which results in an increased number of overlapping tokens
Figure 6.17 Two frameworks for a definition of peripherality in Volume 1; Figure 6.17a F2 only; Figure 6.17b F2 and F1
Figure 6.18 Peripheral and nonperipheral areas of the vowel system, redefined on ANAE data
Figure 6.19 Subsystems of North American English, with the Canadian Shift superposed
Figure 7.1 The two-stage model of divergence
Figure 7.2 Backing of short a in Queen Elizabeth’s short vowels
Figure 7.3a Nasal short-a system of Deb T., 34 [1995], Manchester, NH, TS 726
Figure 7.3 b Continuous short-a system of Elena D., 70 [1995], Springfield, MA, TS 437
Figure 7.3c Raised nasal short-a system of Phyllis P., 53 [1995], Rutland, VT, TS 434
Figure 7.3d Raised short-a system of Martha F., 28 [1992], Kenosha, WI, TS 3
Figure 7.4 Differences between prenasal and preoral short-a tokens, as shown by mean differences in F2 and F1 for New England and Inland North speakers
Figure 7.5 Raising of /oh/ in relation to /ohr/ and the low back vowels /o/, /ah/, /ahr/ for regional dialects of the Northeastern United States
Figure 8.1 Four criteria for the advancement of the Northern Cities Shift
Figure 8.2 Position of Inland North means for four Northern Cities Shift vowels in relation to twenty other North American dialects
Figure 8.3 The coincidence of measures of the Northern Cities Shift along the North/Midland boundary
Figure 8.4 Divergence in the fronting and backing of /Λ/ by age for the Inland North and the Midland
Figure 8.5 A proxy network for multi-scale human mobility, illustrating the flux wij of bank notes between 3,109 counties
Figure 8.6 Effective subdivisions and borders in the Northeastern United States
Figure 8.7 The two-step model of dialect divergence
Figure 8.8 Expansion of the low back merger of /o/ and /oh/ in North America
Figure 8.9 Mean positions of low vowels for twenty-one ANAE dialects
Figure 8.10 Areas of resistance to the low back merger in North America
Figure 8.11 Resistance to the low back merger as shown...
